Anthony Obi Ogbo
The Biafran Genocide – The Hell I Went Through as a Child
Yet, here I am still standing, pledging allegiance to NIGERIA with all sense of patriotism—a nation still being governed by some of the leaders that masterminded the devastating genocide I survived 53 years ago.
Evacuating a large family from the village, Achala, to remote farmland called Eziobibi, almost twenty miles away on foot, and through near inaccessible road-paths, and under severe weather conditions was not a joke. I was seven at the time, and I walked with a loaded bag unaided. Bomb booms and some crackling sounds of artilleries rattled my nerves as they loomed from afar. This was a flight for life and concessions for being a kid were off the table.
My immediate younger sister was five and was on her feet too. I was not carrying a time clock, but a journey set out in the wee hours through the sunset would have exceeded twelve hours. We made it on foot, and for the records – I was seven, and my sister was five.
Ever since the death of Ikemba Odumegwu Ojukwu who led this war, the print, electronic and social media have been agog with analysis and historical compositions about this leader, and his unfulfilled dreams of Biafran nationhood. With commentaries controlled by emotions and different socio-political interests, it becomes difficult at times to comprehend the physical and psychological realities of three-year bloody combat that decimated the people of Eastern Nigeria, their culture, and their prospects as a region.
Nonetheless, the most compelling opinion remains an eyewitness account of the individuals who fought in the region called Biafra
Psychologically speaking, it is obvious that different experiences underscore different analyses. For instance, those Nigerians who lived during this war and never experienced it speak from Google and Wikipedia. Those who remained overseas while the Igbo people in Eastern Nigeria underwent a genocide would speak from Timelife documentaries, and those who saw, or fought the war in Biafra would speak with emotions or anger.
Nonetheless, the most compelling opinion remains an eyewitness account of the individuals who fought in the region called Biafra; those victims who survived the refugee camps, who thrived in the forest region of various villages for thirty months under thunderous sounds of shelling booms, and rapid-fire of Russian-made raffles.
Yes, I was a child victim of the Biafran civil war, and my testimony came from memory rather than Google. As a 6-year old before the war and a 9-year old after, who also survived the post-war era, it is sometimes difficult to sit on the same panel of discussion with peers who lived normal lives in the same period in the war-free Nigerian territory. They would make you feel guilty or look at you as some unpatriotic nincompoop – a Biafran loyalist that is. Sometimes they argue from the rear in a sheer fallacy or even recite doctored Internet information or adulterated opinions retrieved from nowhere.
Without reaching any search tools, I can speak from the memory of this horrible past that I saw it all with my naked eyes. I was in Kindergarten when the initial war campaign started, and Coal City was under bombardment by fighter and bomber jets operated by White mercenaries. Trenches were dug in the schools to provide safe areas against fighter plane attacks. The teachers would always remove our white shirts, and throw us into these trenches anytime the bomb alerts went off. This was the initial stage.
As a child during that war, I witnessed dead bodies, wounded soldiers, hungry and sick refugees eager to eat just about anything. In Achala, Awka province, where I survived the war, refugees trooped in thousands, and relief workers fed them with cornmeal. A bowl a day could do for a person, and when supplies ran out, refugees walked around the town for anything chewable. I saw refugees feed on lizards, insects, rats, and just about anything that could ease a devastating need for survival. I also saw sick ones who got so sick out of malnutrition or other strange diseases. This was the time I knew about Kwashiorkor – severe energy malnutrition typified by insufficient protein consumption. It was a sorry sight to see my fellow kids crawling with protruded bellies, and emaciated body frames visibly revealing their ribs.
As a child, I stood awake with others, sleepless at nights for fear of unexpected bombardment. I knew what assault rifles looked like; saw how bombers descended from nowhere and dropped bombs at market places. Yes, I can recall the day we were playing kite in grand dad’s gigantic compound and two bomber planes descended from nowhere and flew over. The noise alone could till a rocky ground – then as these flying equipment vanished into a cloudy sky, a shocking sound trailed. Moments later we learned that a busy Otuocha Market was bombed, and bodies were crushed like roaches – eloquent of the fact that the Nigerian troops targeted civilians. This was just a tip out of a devastating 30-month horrific experience as a child who did not go to the war field but suffered it all.
Kids went to school barefooted, while others stayed home because their parents could not afford tuition, books, and uniforms.
Yet the worst was yet to come after the war in 1970. We were hauled back to a city we left three years back. A city now devastated by the war was left without basic amenities. School buildings, churches, and homes were torn apart by shelling and other destructive devices of the war. I attended school under the trees at times and classes shifted at intervals to secure a comfortable shadowed spot. Pupils brought their desks to school because there was just none at the time.
Kids went to school barefooted, while others stayed home because their parents could not afford tuition, books, and uniforms.
Now, this was the war I saw and survived. Yet it is more distressing to have gone through this ordeal as a child without a single post-war traumatic therapy. I could just close my eyes and think of what it is like for a young child to be in traumatic situations. He can feel helpless and passive. He could have the most difficulty with their intensely physical and emotional reactions; he could just lose out in the process of coping with ongoing threats to his survival; he could not afford to trust, relax or fully explore his feelings, ideas, or interests.
Yet, here I am still standing, pledging allegiance to NIGERIA with all sense of patriotism—a nation still being governed by some of the leaders that masterminded the devastating genocide I survived almost 50 years ago.
Young trauma victims often come to believe there is something inherently wrong with them; that they are at fault, unlovable, hateful, helpless, and unworthy of protection and love. Such feelings lead to poor self-image, self-abandonment, and self-destructiveness. Ultimately, these feelings could leave them vulnerable to subsequent trauma.
Yet, here I am still standing, pledging allegiance to NIGERIA with all sense of patriotism—a nation still being governed by some of the leaders that masterminded the devastating genocide I survived almost 53 years ago.
Now, for those who do not understand what this means to an average IGBO man, and who would sit down and utter insensitive analysis about the realities of this war without consideration of the unnoticed ravages of its outcome; I will say bring it on and I will eat you raw!
♦ Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. Article included Excerpts from my documentary, Biafran War – What I Saw With My Naked Eyes (2011). Initially published in the West African Pilot, May 30, 2020 >>>
“In just two years, this court has rearranged America’s system and dragged it back to the 40s by systematically undoing major legislation..“ —Anthony Ogbo
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President Joe Biden has been very outspoken about his thoughts that the Supreme Court dominated by rightwing justices, cannot be relied upon to uphold the rule of law. In June 2022 for instance, after this Court overturned Roe v. Wade, he said, “Make no mistake: This decision is the culmination of a deliberate effort over decades to upset the balance of our law. It’s a realization of an extreme ideology and a tragic error by the Supreme Court, in my view.”
In a typical democratic process, the three arms of government play a crucial role in ensuring a balance of power and upholding the principles of justice, accountability, and transparency. These three branches – the executive, legislative, and judiciary – work together to ensure the smooth functioning of a democratic system.
However, the current political trends in the American system might suggest otherwise. SCOTUS, conservative to the bone marrow, appears to be the only overbearing arm in the system, indirectly changing the existing rules, and dictating or interpreting them to suit their radical interests.
The key recent rulings of this far-right Supreme Court have been trending. These rulings have a serious impact on various issues, ranging from civil rights to environmental regulations. Indeed, SCOTUS is overly focused on destructively conservative ideology and this has drastically affected the rights of marginalized communities, such as women, racial and ethnic minorities, and the LGBTQ+ community.
Recent rulings so far are posing serious consequences for the lives and well-being of millions of Americans and could undermine the progress that has been made toward a more equitable and just society.
In just two years, this court has rearranged America’s system and dragged it back to the 40s by systematically undoing major legislation. For instance, in June 2022, in a historic and far-reaching decision, this court officially reversed Roe v. Wade, declaring that the constitutional right to abortion, upheld for nearly a half-century, no longer exists.
Another surprising but historic decision came around June 2023 when this court effectively ended race-conscious admission programs at colleges and universities nationwide. In a decision divided along ideological lines, the six-justice conservative supermajority invalidated admissions programs at Harvard and the University of North Carolina. Now, most other colleges are following that precedent.
We can go all day recalling very daring policies bastardized by the conservative majority of this court. For instance, the striking down of President Biden’s groundbreaking plan to forgive some or all federal student loan debt for tens of millions of Americans; and a controversial ruling against the LGBTQ protections in favor of a Christian web designer in Colorado who refuses to create websites to celebrate same-sex weddings out of religious objections.
But their mission is not over. In just this week alone, this court agreed to hear an appeal brought by a man charged with offenses relating to the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol in a case that could have a major impact on the criminal prosecution of former President Donald Trump. That was not enough. It further handed the Texas Republicans a huge win when it ruled that the map in GOP-run Galveston County could be used, despite concerns that it was discriminatory against minority voters because it took away the only district dominated by Black and Latino voters.
The latest show of power by the Supreme Court has exposed the porosity of the democratic process. In addition, appointing politicians radicalized by dire social ideologies and party extremists to the Supreme Court raises questions about its objectivity and impartiality.
Here is a feasible remedy. While voters whine about immigration, abortion, gun control, etc., voters must take seriously the power of this court and its capacity to shape the future direction of the United States. Thus, curtailing their excesses requires a Democratic-led House and Senate to push through a more objective legislative agenda without objections. Giving the system another chance to induct more right extremists into this Court might be self-destructive.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Journalism and RTF Professor, Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
“He can equally argue that a presidential candidate in a forthcoming election must be exonerated from legal indictments to avoid “election interference” or “weaponization of the justice system” by the regime.“ —Anthony Ogbo
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In the realms of political governance, the power of setting precedence cannot be underestimated. When a precedent is created, it becomes a guiding principle or standard for future actions or decisions. It establishes a framework for how similar situations should be handled, and it holds individuals accountable for their actions. Whether in law, politics, or personal relationships, setting precedence can shape and influence future outcomes.
Since last year, the former president, Donald Trump has been at loggerheads with the law, playing hide-and-seek with the Justice Department over his surmounting legal predicament. The major contention was that a presidential candidate in a forthcoming election must be exonerated from legal indictments to avoid “election interference” or “weaponization of the justice system” by the regime.
Some media analysts and legal scholars with political interests have argued similarly, that the “candidate” Trump should be immune from charges over offenses he committed because he is a candidate.
A few days ago however, the Department of Justice filed new criminal charges against President Joe Biden’s son, Hunter, accusing him of failing to pay $1.4 million in taxes while spending millions of dollars on a lavish lifestyle. He faces up to 17 years in prison if convicted. Hunter Biden’s lawyer, Abbe Lowell, defended his client accusing U.S. Special Counsel David Weiss, who is leading the probe, of political bias.
Since this announcement, President Biden’s Republican critics and the right-wing media communities have been celebrating. They have a reason to. For instance, this derisive federal indictment has provided a boost to House Republicans for their impeachment inquiry against President Biden – yet there was no mention of Biden in the indictment. So far, their efforts to prove serious wrongdoing on Biden’s part have come up blank.
But there is another dimension to Hunter’s case. As we know, Trump accumulated his legal woes before he quickly declared to run for President on November 15, 2022. He made it clear that no verdict or sentence would halt his campaign and bragged that he would carry on running for president from behind bars if he had to. And that if elected, he would use the power of his office to either quash any ongoing prosecutions or pardon himself for any convictions.
He posted personally identifiable information about court officials, including a photo of a judge’s daughter; warned of “potential death and destruction” if he is charged; and vowed, “IF YOU GO AFTER ME, I’M COMING AFTER YOU.” Trump’s lawyers argue he is a political candidate exercising his First Amendment rights.
In Georgia, grand jurors’ names, addresses, and images were released online by Trump allies and a racist death threat against the judge presiding over the federal Jan. 6 case. The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Law published a display of Trump’s troubling pattern of attacking judges and the courts for rulings he disagrees with. In addition, Rolling Stone (July 2022) reported how Trump told his team, he needed to be president again to save himself from criminal probes.
Trump has intentionally derailed proceedings by frivolously requesting delays and unwarranted extensions on pre-trial issues. These are just strategies to aimlessly continue dragging these cases with unjustified delays.
But his antics so far are paying off. Besides the delay tactics, Trump and his cronies believe that his cases would be strategically dragged to the extremely right-leaning Supreme Court, where the judges he appointed could be of great help.
There are also congressional efforts to save Trump from his dilemma. Recall that on March 30, a grand jury in Manhattan indicted him on 34 counts of falsification of business records. Shockingly, the response of congressional Republicans created an ugly pattern of defense for Trump. Before the indictment, Republican congressional committee chairs threatened to subpoena confidential records from the investigation and withhold federal funding in retaliation for any indictment.
These are all dangerous precedents that can stall the democratic process and destroy the scepter that guides the rule of law. In a democracy, setting a precedence may not be a written law, but remains a fundamental aspect of the legal system. In other words, when a court decides on a particular case; congress undertakes an unusual process, or the system condones a certain tradition, it becomes a binding precedent that must be followed in similar cases in the future. This ensures consistency and predictability in the system.
The danger of all these trends is that a line of legal patterns has already been created, and more are on the way. In the meantime, Hunter Biden could take advantage of these privileges by simply declaring to run for election as an independent. He could follow Trump’s playbook and equally enjoy the privileges already set in the political and legal system.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Journalism and RTF Professor, Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
“They had the opportunity to bring level-headed representatives into Congress during the Midterm but blew it. They ignored all the warnings and stubbornly supported, voted, and cheered the most destructive political vandals into Congress. Today, they are getting exactly what they bargained for—insanity” —Anthony Ogbo
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Currently, the Congress is made up of three political organizations – the Republicans, the Democrats, and a psychotic gang called MAGA. By the way, MAGA named after Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign slogan “Make America Great Again” is a xenophobic political movement that emerged during that period. Trump remains their undisputed gang leader.
During the last Midterm, at least 80 people who have questioned the 2020 election results won seats in the House— reinforcing a sizable MAGA caucus. Analysts then warned that this trend could impact the 2024 presidential election, reshape congressional priorities, and weaken institutional leaders.
Even before these elections, there were stern warnings about these vandals – that if elected, they would wield influence first in choosing the caucus’ leadership — and those leaders would have to make deals, either with them or with Democrats, to pass any bill. Most Americans blatantly refused to listen, especially some independents and other voters leaning right. Today, the entire country is suffering the wrath of what was predicted before and after the 2022 Midterm election.
This was how we got here.
Just a few hours ago, MAGA Republicans in the House rejected a bill proposed by their leader, Speaker Kevin McCarthy, to temporarily fund the government, making it all but certain that federal agencies will partially shut down beginning on Sunday.
In a 232-198 vote, the House defeated a measure that would extend government funding by 30 days and avert a shutdown.
Embattled President Joe Biden called them an “extremist movement that does not share the basic beliefs in our democracy”. Biden said that, while not all Republicans adhere to the movement, the party is currently “driven and intimidated by MAGA Republican extremists”.
MAGA’s gang leader, Trump is having a field day. He shut down the government once as a president and this time, he had ordered his disciples in the House to do it again. He convinced them that a shutdown would stop the federal and state trials he faces in D.C., New York City, Florida, and Georgia. Here’s how he posted this on his Truth Social site.
“Republicans in Congress can and must defund all aspects of Crooked Joe Biden’s weaponized Government,” the former Republican White House occupant bleated. Doing so would be “the last chance to defund these political prosecutions against me and other Patriots.”
Do not forget that the last time Trump shut down the government, for 35 days, was to unsuccessfully force lawmakers to fund his xenophobic Mexican Wall.
Without going any further, let me go straight to the main point – the political implications of the choices voters make, especially in very crucial elections. It is wrong to continually blame elected officials for dire political advances. The two major stakeholders of the election process are voters and the candidates they elect. Voters who elect unintelligent destructive radicals into office should equally be blamed for self-damaging electoral choices.
Voters had the opportunity to bring level-headed representatives into Congress during the Midterm but blew it. They ignored all the warnings and stubbornly supported, voted, and cheered the most destructive political vandals into Congress. Today, they are getting exactly what they bargained for—insanity.
Those who stupidly elected or reelected the likes of Marjorie Taylor Greene, Matt Gaetz, Lauren Boebert, Jim Banks, and a lineup of other moronic hardliners should be ashamed of their voting choices.
The greatest threat to America’s democracy today is no longer the communist foes. Also, those who, this time, believe or argue that America’s top problems are inflation, healthcare affordability, drug addiction, and gun violence must stop deceiving themselves. From the rule of law to the governance structure and culture, Trump and his MAGA group remain the nation’s greatest political test. The survival of America’s democracy depends on how voters can reject these demons.
♦Publisher of the Guardian News, Journalism and RTF Professor, Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. He is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us
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