In a democracy, resistance against tyranny is a civic duty.
Over the last few years, America, and indeed the world, witnessed how Donald Trump came into the highest and most respected leadership compartment, saw power, and squandered it without regret. America is a living witness to how Donald Trump’s leadership disgrace exposed the porousness of the democratic process—a typical example that America, as a nation, is not immune from the levels of dictatorship found in countries like North Korea, Afghanistan, Sudan, and Somalia.
However, the destructive influences of Trump’s vicious assault on the rule of law are not going away any time soon. This explains why Texans should be worried about their leader, Governor Greg Abbott, who is currently on a rampage with unrestrained and tyrannous policy-making excess. Abbott and his cohorts have thrown the entire state of Texas into a near-constitutional crisis.
By current standards, democracy in Texas is in a state of uncertainty, orchestrated by a reckless Republican-controlled political base and endorsed by an irrational demigod called Abbott. He has proven to be insecure about his career designation and completely uncomfortable with the rule and process of law.
This governor has completely lost it. Gradually, he has led a gang of stubborn extremists to turn the Lone Star State into a lawless zoo. Currently, Texans wake up each day with grave concerns about their democracy. They feel the scratchy, filthy air of dictatorship under a delusional governor who wakes up each day with a new punitive decree. It is getting worse. For instance, Texans are still shocked about Abbott’s inexplicable threat to defund the state legislature, after Democratic lawmakers derailed an 11th-hour attempt to pass his priority bill that would have made it even harder for the public to cast a ballot in elections.
With fabricated claims of widespread voter fraud, Republicans in Texas and across the United States have tried to suppress access to the polls after a shameful 2020 election performance. Among its numerous, unusual clauses, Texas’s Senate Bill 7 would have imposed felonies on public officials for certain activities related to boosting mail-in voting, banned 24-hour and drive-thru voting, emboldened partisan poll-watchers, and made it easier to overturn election results.
Following this defeat of legislation, Abbott, who views with distaste voting privileges of Blacks and other minorities, threatened to eliminate funding for the Texas Legislature. In typical Trump fashion, he tweeted his retaliatory vows: “I will veto Article 10 of the budget passed by the legislature. Article 10 funds the legislative branch. No pay for those who abandon their responsibilities. Stay tuned.”
He vowed that the troubled bill—which would restrict voting hours; make it harder to vote by mail; give more power to partisan poll watchers; increase punishments for mistakes made by election officials; and prohibit voting on Sundays before 1 p.m., an act viewed as an attack on voting campaigns by Black churches—will be added to a special session to pass it.
But that is not all; over the past months, Texans have been going through Abbott’s policy-making surprises. It may be recalled that earlier this year, Abbott shocked the entire world when he announced the revocation of orders regulating the spread of the coronavirus pandemic. This included the lifting of the statewide mask mandate and the opening of all businesses at one hundred percent capacity. To aggravate this madness, he invoked the usual anti-mask conspiracy phrase: that people and businesses do not need the state telling them how to operate.
In a democracy, an abuse of the process, or exploitation of the majority privileges, is akin to autocracy.
It may be right to conclude that Abbott’s burden of dictatorship is gradually descending on the rule of law. In a democracy, an abuse of the process, or exploitation of the majority privileges, is akin to autocracy. Just this month, Abbott signed a new education law forbidding lessons on systemic racism. This bill, also operated by a handful of states, regulates how teachers discuss current affairs, prohibiting students from getting credit or extra credit for participating in civic activities that include political activism or lobbying elected officials on a particular issue.
Abbott, it appears, is running amok with the latest abuse of his mandate, and Texans are concerned as they watch their chief executive metamorphose into a sharp-horned, evil soul. Imagine Texans carrying handguns without a license; or hotels not being able to stop their guests from taking guns into their rooms; or a situation where the government cannot shut down gun shops during a declared disaster. These are not fairy tales but the realities of Texas under the tyranny of Abbott.
Governor Abbott signed a slate of gun-related laws last week, ranging from technical changes, such as allowing Texans to carry a gun in any type of holster, to more broad political statements, such as declaring Texas a Second Amendment “sanctuary state”. Abbott officially signed House Bill 1927, the “constitutional carry” legislation, that allows Texans aged 21 and over to carry a handgun in public—either concealed or openly—without a permit or training, starting September 1. By Abbott’s new laws, the state’s $40 fee to obtain a handgun license will no longer be required, whilst mandatory training requirements are also no longer necessary.
The values of constitutional process are not ingrained in stone. They are written laws susceptible to interpretative ambiguities.
Most party-hardliners may not publicly admit this, but the decree of dictatorship transcends party lines. It’s simply an affront to the ideals of democracy. The values of constitutional process are not ingrained in stone. They are written laws susceptible to interpretative ambiguities. Therefore, entrusting power to leaders with ethical laxity can gravely jeopardize the ideals of the constitutional process. Thus, rejecting Abbott and his Republican cohort becomes a commitment to protecting the standards of socio-political fairness. There have to be ways to stop Abbott’s repressive rule. Perhaps a massive electioneering presence of Blacks and minorities would make the difference.
State Chairman of the Texas Coalition of Black Democrats, Hon. Carroll G. Robinson, Esq., suggested strategies for Black voter turnout. According to Hon. Robinson, “If we’ve learned nothing else from Stacy Abrams, we should have learned that to maximize Black voter turnout to win, the work and investments must begin early. Elections are won with investments and hard-work done well in advance of an election year. It’s not enough to curse the dark and complain about the incompetence of Abbott, Cruz and other Texas Republican leaders— including Patrick and Paxton—we have to invest in Black voter turnout to defeat them.”
Fighting off tyranny will require all hands on deck. For instance, a group of Democratic Texas state lawmakers just traveled to Washington, D.C. to confer with congressional Democrats and Vice President Harris and lobby for far-reaching voting rights and election reform legislation. Consequently, Attorney General Merrick Garland has announced his readiness to fight voter-suppression. According to Garland, the aim is to ensure that, “all eligible voters can cast a vote, that all lawful votes are counted, and that every voter has access to accurate information.” The Department of Justice is already suing Georgia, alleging that a recently passed election law violates the Voting Rights Act’s protections for minority voters.
Governor Abbott’s intoxication for power signifies a degree of dictatorship incompatible to the process of democracy. He is a governor who has demonstrated a revulsion for justice and fairness. He has uncovered his authoritarian demeanor, and, worse, his animosity and disrespect for people of color are unparalleled. In a democracy, resistance against tyranny is a civic duty. At this time, the people of Texas must stop this hare-brained dictator or forever hold their peace.
The shame of amoral witchery: Obasanjo’s abuse of elder statesmanship
He led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang of dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption.
Eldership is not a position but a legacy of great sagacity. It is a title earned through the ability to influence subordinates through knowledge, sheer experience, understanding, unequivocal judgements, and commonsense. The core values of elder statesmanship are not just built on age, but grounded in virtues synchronized with ethics and kind-heartedness.
In other words, it is fair to say that a former South African president, Nelson Mandela was an elder statesman. This clarification is necessary for most individuals or perhaps analysts who would erroneously refer to every aged politician or community leader as elder statesman with the least consideration of the values each of them live.
A former Nigeria’s President, Olusegun Obasanjo is one of such politicians unknown by those who followed his political choices and actions. For clarity, Pa Obasanjo is an 82-old senior who has ruled Nigeria twice – as a civilian and once a military junta, and who still has not giving up his hunger for absolute power. From 2007 when he concluded his service as his nation’s civilian leader, this man has not given up his drunkenness for power and public resources, rather, he had pervaded the political system in the most twisted manner; destroyed younger politicians who would not partake in his treachery and bullied others who still worshipped him like a demigod.
As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.”
But among almost a thousand descriptions of this former President by those who claimed they knew him, only his daughter, Dr. Iyabo Obasanjo has rendered his portrait with unimpeachable accuracy. One good thing about women is that they can tell their own blood better without forensic evidence. Hence, Iyabo knew her dad in-and-out, describing him as a “narcissistic megalomaniac personality” who would always “accuse someone else of what he so obviously practice.”
As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.” This was in 2013.
Also, it may be recalled that in 2008, Pa Obasanjo’s own son, Gbenga, in an affidavit following a messy divorce case with his wife, Mojisola, accused this former president of having sex with his wife as an exchange for government contracts. I do not mean to dig up these issues about Pa Obasanjo, but his tenacious underhanded advances into Nigeria’s leadership system, from regime-to-regime, necessitate making a few references of his ramshackle credibility and deceitful claims of eldership.
But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed.
After his presidency tenure, when he became the chairman of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Obasanjo handled his business selfishly, and mean-heartedly split his party into political in-groups. He created diminutive rebellious factions and positioned them to fight each other. After the aged leader was done, he cunningly resigned from his party’s top leadership position in 2012, claiming that he wanted to fulfill his duties as a statesman locally and internationally.
But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed. But the major reason behind these ugly advances was because President Jonathan rightfully adopted a governance process that sidestepped Obasabjo’s despotic influence and selfish political demands – a culture of appointing political leaders for elective offices behind closed doors – telling candidates when to run and when not to run for offices; and controlling all government offices like a flat screen with the remote.
So, with the aforementioned thesis of the evils of his political witchery, why would Obasanjo be trusted with policy-making thoughts and reflections? Earlier this week, he published another letter – a crafted fiction of mass-destruction which he addressed to President Buhari, warning that “Nigeria is on the precipice and dangerously reaching a tipping point where it may no longer be possible to hold danger at bay.” What nonsense!
In Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives.
With Obasanjo’s injurious influence, the issue becomes conceivable, on why any electorate who wants peace, progress, and unity in Nigeria would accord him any attention. Besides these controversial letters where he would usually fabricate allegations to throw his country into chaos, Obasanjo has consistently made damaging comments to ensure a failure of any regime that scorns his dubious advances. For instance, in Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives.
Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang of dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians.
Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians. Today, most of Obasanjo’s “students” are still within the boundaries of policy-making caucus, causing havoc in the system.
But for Nigerians who still play the Russian roulette with their national unity, it must be noted that this region endured thousands of lives, punitive decrees, never-ending transition processes, absurd economic programs, and spiritual interventions to finally expunge the junta virus from their governmental system. Letters of Obasanjo therefore remain a dangerous option to sustaining this democracy. Finally, please note that Obasanjo is a choice not a constitutional obligation – therefore you may follow him at your own risk.
♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015) and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org
Biafra’s “May 30 solemnness” is now a shameful blood-spattered rite of remembrance.
Desperate activists bastardize Biafra’s “May 30, sacredness” into an outrageous blood-spattered rite of remembrance.
On December 7, 1941, the Japanese bombarded Pearl Harbor, killing thousands of U.S. servicemen. America, divided by ideological differences concerning warfare, united behind a declaration of war with Japan. That is the power of communal closeness after a tragedy. Thus, the psychology of unity after tragedy remains a natural phenomenon that instills a feeling of closeness following a tragedy. It breaks down walls of differences within a population and unites them against a common enemy. It activates innate instincts of empathy and comradeship and enables people to find solidarity in times of adversity through collective values of harmony, love, and togetherness. This was how the Igbos in eastern Nigeria lived during and after a three-year Nigerian civil war that ended in 1970.
Since this date, the separationist state, Biafra, has remained a symbol of unity, spiritual motivation, psychological healing, and shared identity among the Igbos and other tribes that make up the failed state. The horrific three-year event, now history, is still fresh in the minds of those who lived through it.
To refresh our memory, on May 30, 1967, Lieutenant Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu and other non-Igbo representatives established the Republic of Biafra and proclaimed its independence after suffering years of suppression under Nigeria’s military government. War broke out in July 1967, between Nigeria and Biafra, after several diplomatic efforts by Nigeria failed to reunite them. On January 11, 1970, Biafra was defeated. Ojukwu fled to the Ivory Coast and Biafra as a nation surrendered to Nigeria.
Since then, the people that once made up this region have honored this date, May 30, with a passionate and spiritual sense of nationalism. Igbos all over the world celebrate this date to recall memories and honor their fallen heroes. It is a holistic day of tribute to a war that took millions of lives and destroyed towns. The war set the entire social, political, and economic values of the Igbos years back. They organize seminars, community gatherings, and religious services, display the Biafran colors, and share impressive photographs and memorabilia related to the struggle.
Still on May 30 commemoration, the Igbos hold religious services in their language and Biafran ex-servicemen, who often dress in their military camouflage gear, are invited. Families conduct special services for loved ones lost during this war. Igbo communities in other parts of the world hold events and carnival-like parades where participants sing Biafran songs, dance, eat, and drink.
Because most parts of Nigeria see Biafra as a vicious cult of untrusted comrades, the name remains a divine symbol of unanimity and brotherhood among the Igbos.
What is left of Biafra after the war is a covenant of spiritual sensation uniting a population of survivors. Because most parts of Nigeria see Biafra as a vicious cult of untrusted comrades, the name remains a divine symbol of unanimity and brotherhood among the Igbos.
Regrettably, this impeccable Biafran philosophy has been weather-beaten by the insane actions of unscrupulous career activists. Over the years, the covenant that Biafran Igbos uphold has been swapped for unrestrained horror. Events saw street vandalism, hooliganism, and massacre. This year, for instance, before the May 30 commemoration, tension mounted in the five states of the south-eastern zone that once made up Biafra, as the sit-at-home order issued by the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a self-termination group, took effect.
The leader of this group, Nnamdi Kanu, issued the no-movement directive to commemorate this date. In a social media post, he threatened schools, airports, and markets to close, and ordered people to remain in their homes or be killed. Governor David Umahi of Ebonyi State countered with a statewide broadcast threatening to seize any shop that the owner refused to open. The governor ordered security agents to shoot on sight anyone trying to attack them.
Amid rising insecurity in the southeast region, there were growing concerns regarding the IPOB, and the government’s shoot-on-sight order, and therefore subjecting this celebration to another bloody nightmare. Across the southeast, many public places, including markets, banks, and schools, remained shut. Popular markets were deserted as individuals feared for their lives.
There was a killer-military personnel parading with a shoot-on-sight order against the IPOB. The IPOB vandals were obeying the directive to execute innocent citizens who defied their master’s orders. There were hooligans, who took advantage of the state of uncertainty to carry out fatal robberies. This is what Biafra’s May 30 was reduced to.
Igbos should be concerned about events occurring in their region and that their struggle has been hijacked by dishonest vandals and desperate self-seeking activists taking advantage of the people’s politics. These activists have created an unpleasant culture of self-aggrandizement and dishonest self-actualization advocacy, using conspiracy theories to enchant idle and vulnerable young Igbos into civil disorder.
For instance, on Facebook and YouTube, scores of different “Biafra” social media influencers operate (mainly women living in Europe), spewing false narratives about the Biafran struggle to boost account followers and inspire engagement. They use IPOB’s and Kanu’s inflammatory videos to gain followers and provoke them to cause public unrest.
The worst harm to a people’s struggle is to radicalize the youth with self-destructive conspiracy theories, and these activists have indeed authored this mayhem.
The worst harm to a people’s struggle is to radicalize the youth with self-destructive conspiracy theories, and these activists have indeed authored this mayhem. It is concerning that most Igbos failed to articulate the dire implications of Mr. Kanu’s YouTube sit-down order. For a regular citizen to accord himself the power to order that all airports, schools, and markets be shut down and order no people on the streets, is simply a sign that Mr. Kanu understands nothing about how the system works. A sit-down order instead of a discretionary public holiday is tyrannical and contradicts the ideals of freedom he advocates. It contravenes individual freedom of movement and makes a mockery of his self-actualization ventures. Indeed, if people stayed home for fear of their lives, it is no longer a memorial affair but a sorry hostage situation.
Indeed, if people stayed home for fear of their lives, it is no longer a memorial affair but a sorry hostage situation.
Without a doubt, Biafra’s “May 30 solemnness” has now metamorphosed into an outrageous blood-spattered rite of remembrance. The horrific events of the civil war that once united the Igbos are now perceived as farcical. So, what would the Igbo’s dialogue be with this mob of fraudulent activists with poor listening skills? What would the Igbo’s dialogue be with a gang of unskilled social media influencers who disseminate nonsensical, violent content to sustain paid engagements? How can the Igbos coordinate orientation and education for their self-acclaimed “self-determination” fighters on the legislative processes and key functions of government? How do they approach Mr. Kanu, with his arrogance, and other group leaders of Biafra’s cause who have been destroying each other? And last, how do the Igbos address and redirect thousands of youths who have been brainwashed by these rogue activists?
To move forward as a united entity, progress as a tribe, overcome any challenges, and defeat the so-called enemy, the Igbos must address these questions with effective resolutions.
The Biafran Genocide – The Hell I Went Through as a Child
Yet, here I am still standing, pledging allegiance to NIGERIA with all sense of patriotism—a nation still being governed by some of the leaders that masterminded the devastating genocide I survived 53 years ago.
Evacuating a large family from the village, Achala, to remote farmland called Eziobibi, almost twenty miles away on foot, and through near inaccessible road-paths, and under severe weather conditions was not a joke. I was seven at the time, and I walked with a loaded bag unaided. Bomb booms and some crackling sounds of artilleries rattled my nerves as they loomed from afar. This was a flight for life and concessions for being a kid were off the table.
My immediate younger sister was five and was on her feet too. I was not carrying a time clock, but a journey set out in the wee hours through the sunset would have exceeded twelve hours. We made it on foot, and for the records – I was seven, and my sister was five.
Ever since the death of Ikemba Odumegwu Ojukwu who led this war, the print, electronic and social media have been agog with analysis and historical compositions about this leader, and his unfulfilled dreams of Biafran nationhood. With commentaries controlled by emotions and different socio-political interests, it becomes difficult at times to comprehend the physical and psychological realities of three-year bloody combat that decimated the people of Eastern Nigeria, their culture, and their prospects as a region.
Nonetheless, the most compelling opinion remains an eyewitness account of the individuals who fought in the region called Biafra
Psychologically speaking, it is obvious that different experiences underscore different analyses. For instance, those Nigerians who lived during this war and never experienced it speak from Google and Wikipedia. Those who remained overseas while the Igbo people in Eastern Nigeria underwent a genocide would speak from Timelife documentaries, and those who saw, or fought the war in Biafra would speak with emotions or anger.
Nonetheless, the most compelling opinion remains an eyewitness account of the individuals who fought in the region called Biafra; those victims who survived the refugee camps, who thrived in the forest region of various villages for thirty months under thunderous sounds of shelling booms, and rapid-fire of Russian-made raffles.
Yes, I was a child victim of the Biafran civil war, and my testimony came from memory rather than Google. As a 6-year old before the war and a 9-year old after, who also survived the post-war era, it is sometimes difficult to sit on the same panel of discussion with peers who lived normal lives in the same period in the war-free Nigerian territory. They would make you feel guilty or look at you as some unpatriotic nincompoop – a Biafran loyalist that is. Sometimes they argue from the rear in a sheer fallacy or even recite doctored Internet information or adulterated opinions retrieved from nowhere.
Without reaching any search tools, I can speak from the memory of this horrible past that I saw it all with my naked eyes. I was in Kindergarten when the initial war campaign started, and Coal City was under bombardment by fighter and bomber jets operated by White mercenaries. Trenches were dug in the schools to provide safe areas against fighter plane attacks. The teachers would always remove our white shirts, and throw us into these trenches anytime the bomb alerts went off. This was the initial stage.
As a child during that war, I witnessed dead bodies, wounded soldiers, hungry and sick refugees eager to eat just about anything. In Achala, Awka province, where I survived the war, refugees trooped in thousands, and relief workers fed them with cornmeal. A bowl a day could do for a person, and when supplies ran out, refugees walked around the town for anything chewable. I saw refugees feed on lizards, insects, rats, and just about anything that could ease a devastating need for survival. I also saw sick ones who got so sick out of malnutrition or other strange diseases. This was the time I knew about Kwashiorkor – severe energy malnutrition typified by insufficient protein consumption. It was a sorry sight to see my fellow kids crawling with protruded bellies, and emaciated body frames visibly revealing their ribs.
As a child, I stood awake with others, sleepless at nights for fear of unexpected bombardment. I knew what assault rifles looked like; saw how bombers descended from nowhere and dropped bombs at market places. Yes, I can recall the day we were playing kite in grand dad’s gigantic compound and two bomber planes descended from nowhere and flew over. The noise alone could till a rocky ground – then as these flying equipment vanished into a cloudy sky, a shocking sound trailed. Moments later we learned that a busy Otuocha Market was bombed, and bodies were crushed like roaches – eloquent of the fact that the Nigerian troops targeted civilians. This was just a tip out of a devastating 30-month horrific experience as a child who did not go to the war field but suffered it all.
Kids went to school barefooted, while others stayed home because their parents could not afford tuition, books, and uniforms.
Yet the worst was yet to come after the war in 1970. We were hauled back to a city we left three years back. A city now devastated by the war was left without basic amenities. School buildings, churches, and homes were torn apart by shelling and other destructive devices of the war. I attended school under the trees at times and classes shifted at intervals to secure a comfortable shadowed spot. Pupils brought their desks to school because there was just none at the time.
Kids went to school barefooted, while others stayed home because their parents could not afford tuition, books, and uniforms.
Now, this was the war I saw and survived. Yet it is more distressing to have gone through this ordeal as a child without a single post-war traumatic therapy. I could just close my eyes and think of what it is like for a young child to be in traumatic situations. He can feel helpless and passive. He could have the most difficulty with their intensely physical and emotional reactions; he could just lose out in the process of coping with ongoing threats to his survival; he could not afford to trust, relax or fully explore his feelings, ideas, or interests.
Yet, here I am still standing, pledging allegiance to NIGERIA with all sense of patriotism—a nation still being governed by some of the leaders that masterminded the devastating genocide I survived almost 50 years ago.
Young trauma victims often come to believe there is something inherently wrong with them; that they are at fault, unlovable, hateful, helpless, and unworthy of protection and love. Such feelings lead to poor self-image, self-abandonment, and self-destructiveness. Ultimately, these feelings could leave them vulnerable to subsequent trauma.
Yet, here I am still standing, pledging allegiance to NIGERIA with all sense of patriotism—a nation still being governed by some of the leaders that masterminded the devastating genocide I survived almost 53 years ago.
Now, for those who do not understand what this means to an average IGBO man, and who would sit down and utter insensitive analysis about the realities of this war without consideration of the unnoticed ravages of its outcome; I will say bring it on and I will eat you raw!
♦ Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News. Article included Excerpts from my documentary, Biafran War – What I Saw With My Naked Eyes (2011). Initially published in the West African Pilot, May 30, 2020 >>>
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